Yu Zeming

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Yu Zeming
于泽冥
摄政
Regent Yu in 1980
Crown Regent of the Bai Empire
Tenure17 September 1962 – 4 June 1989
PredecessorPosition established
EmperorFengyang Emperor
Chancellor
Secretary General of the New Alliance for the Reunification of the Bai People
In office15 December 1951 – 16 August 1962
PredecessorPosition established
SuccessorZhao Xilang
BornYu Zeming (于泽冥)
(1901-08-31)31 August 1901
Huoyuan, Neilu Province, Middle Bai Dynasty
Died4 June 1989(1989-06-04) (aged 87)
Xiongjing, Bai Empire
Burial3 July 1989
Spouse
(m. 1935; died 1954)
IssueFengyang Emperor
FatherYu Shanliu
MotherSun Meijing

Yu Zeming (Baiyu: 于泽冥; 31 August 1901 – 4 June 1989) was a Bai military leader and statesman who ruled Bai as its Crown Regent from 1962 to 1989. Presiding over Bai's redevelopment, he oversaw its transformation into a developed country and regional power in Northern Archanta. His rule was commonly known as the Regency Era, which has been criticised as authoritarian, with mass persecution of political critics, purging of other warlords and imposition of martial law over certain areas of the country.

Born in Huoyuan, Neilu Province, Yu was initially a member of his father's Bai Fascist Solidatory Party (BFSP) and became a diplomat in Izaland during the course of the War of Fellow Brothers. Following political differences with his father, he and his wife Chang Meisheng defected from the regime and remained in Izaland for the remainder of the fascist era. Returning to Bai in the 1950s, he established a new government and organised a coalition of forces (including warlords of Fascist remnants) known as the New Alliance for the Reunification of the Bai People. As commander-in-chief, he led the Eastern Expedition, defeated the various factions and reunified Bai in 1962. Through a referendum, he restored the Bai monarchy but installed his son as the de jure head of state while he continued to rule as the country's de facto leader.

During his rule, he implemented the Weixin Programme that restored and modernised the national road and rail systems, alongside a series of economic reforms. The re-establishment of ties with foreign powers and foreign-direct investments of the 60s and 70s led to the recovery of the Empire's economy, which became industrialized and technology-oriented. In the 80s, he began to delegate more authority to his son, and successfully bided and hosted the Xiongjing Pax Nova Games in 1988. Shortly after, on 4 June 1989, he died of a fatal stroke and was given a royal funeral. He was buried along with the other former Middle Bai Emperors.

Early life

Yu Zeming was born on 31 August 1901.[1] His father, Yu Shanliu, was still serving in the Bai military and hence Yu had a closer relationship with his mother and grandmother who raised him.[2] In his memoirs, Yu stated that he had a 'strict and rocky' relationship with his father, pressuring him to work hard. Yu Shanliu appeared to his son as an authoritarian figure, sometimes indifferent to his problems. Yu recalled that his father 'never batted an eye' once when he fell severely sick with a fever when he was five or six, never bothering to check on him.[3] When he was ten, as his father became Chancellor, he and his family moved to Xiongjing, where he continued his early studies.[4]

Many classmates and teachers noted that he was a 'very sociable and mischievous boy' who liked to pull pranks.[5][6] Zhao Xilang, a childhood friend of Yu who would serve as Chancellor under him, remembered that Yu liked to play Bai chess (Xiangqi) and puzzles like Tangram. Many teachers remarked that Yu was a very diligent boy 'willing to work hard'.[7]

Yu Shanliu had wanted his son to join politics, although the young Yu expressed disinterest and wished to become an engineer. After some arguments over his ambitions, Yu Shanliu agreed that his son study law, although he also has to join the military as well. In 1919, Yu entered the Imperial College for Civil Service.[8] Yu claimed he had no knowledge of his father's plans to coup the Emperor, although he noted his father became more distant in the days leading up to the coup.[9][10]

Fascist Era

Involvement in Qiongzhu Massacre

Military police deployed to oversee the Qiongzhu Massacre

In 1927, Yu Zeming was transferred to Qiongzhu as a military police officer.[11] By then, unrest and ethnic conflict were brewing in the province, particularly anti-Bai sentiments, ever since the 1922 coup.[12] Following early demonstrations in 1922 and 1923 resisting the fascist regime, security on the Qiongzhu islets had only intensified, with martial law declared in 1924.[13][14] Nevertheless, minor clashes continued, which culminated in the 1927 Qiong'ao Riots.[15] The State Security Bureau brutally clamped down on the Riots, and a mass purge of civilians followed which would be known as the Qiongzhu Massacre.[13][16]

Yu's role in the suppression of demonstrations and the Massacre was never made clear. An alleged assassination attempt on him led to the further tightening of security on the islands.[17] Yu himself, in his autobiography, denied personal involvement, claiming to be only a clerk "vetting identity papers" during his brief deployment on Qiongzhu. Nevertheless, he had expressed regret for "failing to voice his opposition" against his superior's atrocities.[18] In July 1987, during his visit to Qiongzhu, he made a speech offering an apology for his father's actions in the Massacre, although he did not directly admit any personal guilt.[19][20]

However, some survivors of the Massacre said that Yu was "closely involved" in the interrogation process, and had "invalidated" much evidence that would have proved their innocence. Instead, he crafted "false papers" implicating various civilians for treason, which were signed by Qiongzhu's governor Wei Gongqia authorising their imprisonment and execution.[21] Wei Gongqia's son, Wei Chentui, revealed in 1997 through his book Living in the Shadow of a Fascist that Yu "was a close friend" to him and the governor and remembered him often coming for late family dinners after work. Often also they would discuss "security matters" in Wei's personal study, which Wei Junior was forbidden to access. He believed then that Yu "was actively involved" in the arrests.[22]

Shortly after the Massacre, Yu was said to be "homesick" and, for his safety, returned to Xiongjing in March 1929.[23] Some commentators saw his return to Xiongjing as a pretext to return to the centre of his father's politics, which led to some doubts as to whether or not he was as ill as he had claimed.[24][25] Investigation into Yu's personal involvement in the Fascist regime and the Massacre continued to be suppressed in the Empire, due to his legacy as the founder of the New Bai Dynasty. Nevertheless, independent historians claimed that Yu's possible involvement could have provided "inspiration" and "experience" for his subsequent implementation of martial law when he reunified Qiongzhu under his control during the Regency Era.[26][27]

Ambassador to Izaland

Upon returning to Xiongjing, Yu was appointed to the BFSP Central Committee in July 1929, which made key decisions regarding the party's activities and policies. This allowed Yu to be more closely involved in party politics, which some biographers noted could be his father preparing for his son to succeed him "at some point". Already since his appointment to the Central Committee, some party documents published mentioned his name and importance in the BFSP's "continued future and legacy".

It was then unclear why, two years soon after, Yu was suddenly deployed to Izaland as ambassador. Yu himself said he was "very surprised" with the appointment, but has "no choice" but to follow through with his father's wishes. He was forced to leave behind his girlfriend Jia Huining, a fellow party comrade, before leaving for Izaland. He never saw Jia again, for she was accused of treason shortly after his departure and "quietly purged" soon after. Some historians speculated Yu might have had a disagreement with his father over the upcoming war preparations, or that the senior Yu did not want his son involved in battle.

Defection and exile

Eastern Expedition

In 1951 or 52, accompanied by his wife and son, Yu returned to Bai in preparation to lead the Bai reunification movement.[28] Before returning to Bai, Yu met with his old friend Guo Xuanqian, who held a senior position in the Reformed Government of the former Bai Republic. Yu managed to return using the forged papers that allowed his safe return under the pseudonym Yu Jin'an.[29]

Yu's charisma and strategic acumen allowed him to meet with Tang Jisheng, the leader of the Reformed Government, in Futu. Impressed by Yu's vision and leadership qualities, Tang pledged his support to assist Yu's quest to reunite the country with the promise of holding a "senior position" in Yu's new government. Tang's influence and connections were also instrumental in negotiating alliances with other military factions. Yu also travelled to other factions to negotiate with their leaders, offering various concessions in return for their allegiance. Yu purportedly attempted to travel to Xiongjing to negotiate with the Central Government; his travel was hindered by Central Clique forces known as the Le'an Incident. Yu was forced to return to Futu where he consolidated his military and political power.

Yu relied on former fascist commanders to build up his army. While aware these commanders were old and unable to pose a threat to his leadership, Yu took cautionary measures such as establishing military councils and committees to monitor their activities.

Yu Zeming in 1957

On 18 February 1954, Yu was granted the title "Commander-in-Chief of the New Alliance", whilst Guo Xuanqian was made chief-of-staff.[30] As Commander-in-Chief, Yu held the absolute authority to oversee and direct military plans for the Eastern Expedition. The New Alliance was reorganised into four "collective armies", with each division responsible for the various military campaigns leading to the capital. After much delay, Yu launched the Eastern Expedition on 15 April.

The Eastern Expedition, however, was far from smooth sailing. Two columns were forced to push back due to overwhelming forces and disruptions in supply routes in the Wendu Pass campaign, while Yu's column of forces was already battered by the time they reached Qitian in 1956. Meanwhile, Tang's column managed to push ahead to Caiyi at the edge of the People's Governorate, and Tang himself went ahead to negotiate with the leaders of the People's Governorate in 1958. Fearing Tang planned to usurp his position, Yu travelled to Kanglapo with his aide and foreign advisor Tuk Choi, who is of Katayan descent. Both were briefly apprehended when they landed at Nandacheongfu Airport but soon released.

Yu wished to meet the leader of Kanglapo Ming Sa Hing and made proposals that would grant Kanglapo trade privileges and other concessions under his new government in exchange for recognition and support. Instead, Ming dispatched his aide Chen Qing, also of Bai descent, who conveyed messages between the two. During these negotiations, Ming only committed to having his lieutenants in the People's Governorate recognise Yu as leader of the New Alliance should the Governorate fall, with Yu promising no reprisals against the Governorate's leadership. Yu also failed to secure a meeting with Huang Fangting, the attaché representing the internationally-recognised Xiongjing government, but met with People's Governorate representative Xie Zhangting.

Tang was unable to make further headway in his negotiations and resumed his campaign. Yu, upon his return to Bai, mustered his forces to join Tang in a united offensive against the People's Governorate. Soon, they encircled the Governorate capital of Zhaonuo, where communist forces soon capitulated to Yu's New Alliance in 1959. As Ming promised, the leaders of the People's Governorate acquiesced to Yu's control, marking a significant victory for Yu's Eastern Expedition.

Xiongjing Campaign

After taking control of the People's Governorate, Yu halted the Eastern Expedition to consolidate his remaining forces and supplies while establishing his government in the provisional capital of Yunhan. At the same time, Yu continued to make overtures towards the Xiongjing Government for a negotiated peace but only rebuffed.

Yu also made increasingly clear his intentions to revive the Bai Empire and install his son as Emperor, while he would continue to rule and stabilise the new country as Regent. Nevertheless, he gave repeated assurances to other military leaders that they would hold key positions in his new government to ensure their continued support for his campaign. Tang and Sen Lin, however, attempted to break from Yu's government and establish their Bai Republic, a move which was soon discovered when Guo revealed the plans to Yu. Tang and Sen were removed from their positions and arrested for treason. Due to this incident, Yu gradually made moves to quash any opposition against him or his rule, while cultivating a leadership circle loyal and supportive of his vision. This included Guo, Wang Lihao and Yi Shanming.

Delaying the Xiongjing Campaign, however, allowed the Xiongjing Government to mount better defences against the incoming offensive. Railways to the capital were cut off, and most troops were stationed on the highlands to block roads leading to the capital. Alerted to these manoeuvres, Yu began revising his strategy and focussed more on encircling the capital, while overrunning territories abandoned by the Xiongjing government. Yu also hoped to take advantage of the growing rift between the Socialist Republic and the Xiongjing Government which were traditionally military allies during the Warlord Era.

Yu resumed his campaign officially on 7 April 1961 with a false flag operation towards Xianle. However, priority was to cripple the southern defences mounted by the Socialist Republic, with another column proceeding to Gushou and Taixi. The strategy worked, even to Yu's surprise, as most troops began pouring to defend the north side of the capital. In the meantime, Yu successfully captured the provinces of Deshan and Dong'an. The Dunghoi Revolutionary Council in control of Port Dunghoi surrendered to Yu despite Socialist Republic's warnings, giving the Alliance full control of the largest city of Bai at the time. Yu's forces moved ahead to the capital while securing the coastal areas of Bai. The remaining Xiongjing Government troops were called back to defend the capital.

In lieu of its string of defeats, Yuan Yangming, the Chief Counsellor of the Xiongjing Government, resigned to allow Zhao Xilang to take over. Zhao was more conciliatory to Yu and opened secret talks with Yu's government. Yu, who had long taken note of Zhao's attempts at diplomacy, agreed to the talks. This also allowed more time for Yu's forces to recuperate.

Zhao defected to Yu's Alliance when Xiongjing military commander Zhang Xuyuan couped against Zhao and dissolved the National Assembly in Xiongjing. Yu took this to his advantage and also included the former Assembly lawmakers into his new government, which up till then only consisted of 40 members from the Zhuguo Doushidang (Fatherland's Fighters' Party).

Rule as Regent

Annexation of Qiongzhu

Economy

Anti-corruption measures

Diplomacy

Death

Legacy

Yu Zeming remains a controversial figure in the Bai Empire.[31][32] The Regency Era, also known as the Benevolent Terror, is considered to be one of the most widely debated topics for the Bai public, politicians, and scholars.[31][33] For some, Yu was a national hero who led the victorious Eastern Expedition against the other warlords in 1962 and helped achieve Bai unification. Supporters credit him for bringing political stability and building the economic foundation of the country, leading Bai to economic and global prominence.[34][35] On the other hand, opponents, largely of the younger generation, condemn his authoritarian way of ruling the country and claim Yu hindered political reforms and Bai's transition to democracy.[36] A poll from the state-run Imperial Press Agency in 2017 claimed that roughly 75% of the 12,045 respondents surveyed felt that Yu's achievements outweighed his mistakes.[37]

Yu had been acknowledged by many Bai people as an exceptionally efficient leader who ended the political instability of the Warlord Era and restored the monarchy.[38][39] As Regent, Yu presided over many of Bai's advancements, modernising national infrastructure and rebuilding the economy, leading to the growth of Bai's Gross National Product and the reduction of unemployment rates in the country.[40][41] He had also been praised for various social policies such as improving and mandating higher public standards for education, sanitation and hygiene, whilst concurrently improving public health by expanding modern health care and greatly increasing the quantity and quality of high-rise affordable housing for working- and middle-class families.[42][43] Due to his economic and political achievements, the Bai government continues to officially regard Yu as a national hero and has awarded him the Royal Order of the Chrysanthemum.[44][45]

In contrast, Yu is regarded by various opponents as a highly repressive autocrat who curtailed freedoms and committed human rights abuses during his rule.[46][47] Some, including prominent political exiles like Wei Chentui, even compared his rule with his father's fascist regime, especially measures such as detaining people without trial to round up political critics.[48][49] Yu is generally unpopular among the islanders of Qiongzhu, who suffered much from Yu's authoritarian rule and believed his annexation of the islands was "illegitimate", giving rise to the Qiongzhu Independence Movement.[50] However, supporters argued in retrospect that his actions were necessary for the country's early development,[51] and various international political analysts note that Yu's governance was generally pragmatic and benevolent.[52][53][54]

As the father of the Fengyang Emperor, Yu remains protected from criticism in Bai.[55] Even today, after his death, various Bai scholars and political opponents who express unfavourable opinions of Yu have been subjected to censorship and political prosecution.[56] Yu's status as royalty has prevented scholars and independent researchers from investigating the true extent of his political suppression under his rule.[55][57]

Cult of personality and portrayal in media

During his reign, even as de facto leader, a personality cult was centred on Regent Yu and his son the Fengyang Emperor. Yu's portrait was hung along with his son's in prominent places such as schools, government offices and train stations. Statues of Regent Yu were erected all across the country, even outnumbering those of the reigning Fengyang Emperor at one point in the 70s. Upon his death, many portraits were taken down, while the statues were relocated and placed in museums due to his son's rise to prominence and controversy surrounding Yu.

In 2001, the Fengyang Emperor tried to issue an Edict prohibiting the naming of "institutions, streets, parks or other public sites, or erecting busts, statues or other forms of tribute" honouring the late Bai leader in keeping with his father's wishes to prevent the development of an extensive cult of personality around him. Some commentators noted nevertheless that the Emperor, through this law, wanted to turn more focus on him than on his father. The law was never rectified by the Yihuiting. While the extent of Yu's personality cult diminished in the 21st century, numerous museums and memorial halls remain dedicated to his memory, such as Yu Zeming Guangzhang in Xiongjing commemorating the Eastern Expedition.

Bai media and popular culture continue to portray Regent Yu in a positive light. Several historical films produced in the Empire showcased Yu as a national hero and a reasonably competent leader who elevated Bai's international standing. A state-sponsored autobiographical film The Last Princess depicted Yu as a "noble fascist" who defected from his father's regime to help prevent the capture of Princess Chang Meisheng from other agents.

Personal life and family

References

References

  1. Humphry 1993, p. 5.
  2. Humphry 1993, p. 7.
  3. Inigo 1997, p. 156.
  4. Humphry 1993, p. 12.
  5. Melvin & Mullard 2012, p. 22.
  6. Humphry 1993, p. 15.
  7. Humphry 1993, p. 17.
  8. Melvin 2005, p. 217.
  9. Humphry 1993, p. 19.
  10. Zhao 2011, p. 59.
  11. Humphry 1993, p. 39.
  12. Chen 2009, p. 278.
  13. 13.0 13.1 Melvin & Mullard 2012, p. 76.
  14. Melvin 2005, p. 226.
  15. Chen 2009, p. 283.
  16. Chen 2009, p. 284.
  17. Melvin 2005, p. 231.
  18. Liu 2018, p. 118.
  19. Liu 2011, p. 278.
  20. Humphry 1993, p. 47.
  21. Wei 2012, p. 233.
  22. Wei 1997, p. 116.
  23. Humphry 1993, p. 52.
  24. Humphry 1993, p. 58.
  25. Melvin & Mullard 2012, p. 86.
  26. Melvin & Mullard 2012, p. 89.
  27. Wa 2006, p. 44.
  28. Humphry 1993, p. 156.
  29. Melvin & Mullard 2012, p. 144.
  30. Humphry 1993, p. 168.
  31. 31.0 31.1 Humphry 1993, p. 356.
  32. Liu 2011, p. 275.
  33. Chen 2009, p. 429.
  34. Humphry 1993, p. 357.
  35. Karter 2003, p. 311.
  36. Humphry 1993, p. 358.
  37. "Yu's achievements 'outweigh' mistakes: poll". Presses Généralistes. 8 February 2017. Retrieved 13 February 2023.
  38. Humphry 1993, p. 361.
  39. Liu 2011, p. 277.
  40. Liu 2011, p. 279.
  41. Guo 2011, p. 338.
  42. Humphry 1993, p. 364.
  43. Inigo 1997, p. 425.
  44. Inigo 1997, p. 428.
  45. Guo 2011, p. 341.
  46. Zhao 2011, p. 198.
  47. Melvin & Mullard 2012, p. 258.
  48. Wei 2012, p. 301.
  49. Inigo 1997, p. 429.
  50. Chen 2009, p. 275.
  51. Humphry 1993, p. 367.
  52. Humphry 1993, p. 368.
  53. Karter 2003, p. 315.
  54. Melvin & Mullard 2012, p. 260.
  55. 55.0 55.1 Chen 2009, p. 276.
  56. Inigo 1997, p. 430.
  57. Charles, Paul (25 September 2007). "The difficulty in accessing the Regent Era". Presses Généralistes.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)

Notes

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