Yu Shanliu

Yu Shanliu (Baiyu: 于山六), born Jeuh Tzu-Sing (Baiyu: 于柱成), was a politician and military officer who ruled Bai as dictator from 1922 until his death in 1942. Rising to power as the leader of the Bai Fascist Solidatory Party (BFSP), he was Chancellor of the Middle Bai Dynasty from 1910 to 1916 and returned to power as President after the 1922 coup and the establishment of the Bai National Republic. During his dictatorship, he instigated the War of Fellow Brothers by invading Kaosha and other neighbouring states.

Yu was born in Khesong, Kaosha but was raised in Huoyuan when his family moved to Bai. He joined the Bai military in 1896 and quickly attained the rank of colonel. Even as a military commander, he joined politics and took over the BFSP in 1908, leading the party to secure a significant portion of seats in the 1910 elections. The Jinlong Emperor was persuaded to appoint Yu as Chancellor, and the two cooperated on re-armament and promoting anti-communism and pan-Baiism. However, Yu faced considerable opposition from the Yongren Emperor, who eventually dismissed Yu over ideological differences and fears of Yu's political ambitions that would oust the monarchy.

Even dismissed and the Fascist Party disbanded, Yu still held popular support. With the backing of the military, Yu and his Party overthrew the Bai monarchy in 1922 and reorganised Bai into a one-party military dictatorship, removing all political opposition through his secret police and outlawing labour strikes. Yu's foreign policy aimed to restore the ancient grandeur of the Greater Bai Empire by expanding the country and the fascist sphere of influence. Directing large-scale rearmament, he ordered the invasion of Kaosha in 1928 and went on to launch military campaigns against Grinzez and Kanglapo. Despite initial successes, the subsequent failed military campaigns and the rebels' successes led to a loss in support of his regime. As rebels surrounded the capital, Yu committed suicide on 1 May 1942, which led to the collapse and surrender of the fascist government.

Early life and education
Kaoshan records showed Yu Shanliu was born Jeuh Tzu-Sing in Khesong, Kaosha on 30 October 1877. His father, Jeuh Keh-kong (于祺恭), was a gang leader trafficking goods and people across the Muinon Peninsula. His mother was widely believed to be a prostitute. His official biography published during his rule later claimed Yu was native Bai born in Huoyuan, with no references to his upbringing and family in Kaosha. Yu claimed his paternal grandfather, Yu Dongzheng, was born in Port Dunghoi to emphasise his Bai background, but that remained contested among historians.

As the Kaoshan police cracked down on the family-run smuggling route, the family fled to their friends in Huoyuan. His parents were eventually caught and extradited back to Kaosha, and Yu was raised by his distant uncle Rong Zhaoyang, who served as an immigration officer in the Bai Empire. His uncle then gave him the name Yu Shanliu.

Yu attended Pingsan Independent School and was considered by many teachers an excellent student. Many classmates noted he had charisma and was easy to make friends with. He joined the school's Xiangqi Club and won a couple of awards, which remained on the school's display of awards. According to Yu, he first gained an interest in politics when learning about the Qiaoxin Labour Riots of 1891 protesting against worsening labour conditions. By the end of the 19th century, the Middle Bai Dynasty was plagued by economic stagnation due to increasing corruption and divisions in the Bai government. The lack of meaningful political and economic reforms also led to the rise of political radicals – the far-right fascists and the far-left communists. Yu recalled engaging in plenty of political discussions with his uncle Rong and his teacher Hu Zhutong, a Bai Nationalist who shaped his early political views. He concluded the Riots were a result of the government's failure to take "serious" control of the economy and the country's failure to "adapt" to radically changing conditions.

Despite his excellent grades, his application to attend the Imperial Civil Service College (帝国公务员学院) was rejected, perhaps due to his Kaoshan background. Instead, on his uncle's urging, he went to sign up for the military and attended the Yushan Imperial Military Academy in January 1896. It was unclear how Yu got into the Bai military despite his Kaoshan background; historians speculated bureaucratic oversight. Yu was soon commissioned as an infantry officer in October of that year. By his own account, Yu expressed wishes to serve in the Imperial Navy and hoped for a transfer. Nevertheless, he reflected his days as an infantry officer were still pretty fulfilling.

Military service
Yu was assigned to the 7th Neilu Infantry Battalion, part of the Bei'an Imperial Contingent. While serving as a platoon commander, his superior Unit Commander Colonel Hong Haixin saw his leadership potential, and both became great friends. Yu viewed Hong as another "father figure" in his life who honed his leadership skills. Noting his nationalistic beliefs, Hong introduced Yu to his close acquaintance Xu Xian (徐宪), the founder of the Bai Fascist Solidatory Party (BFSP). Yu found the BFSP appealing because its political positions agreed with his own views. It was then Yu's views on the monarchy changed – initially apathetic, he viewed the monarchy as an "outdated system" to be removed for the "rejuvenation of the Bai people".

Still, he kept his anti-monarchist beliefs covert. While Hong offered to forge documents to allow him entry into the Party, Yu showed initial hesitance to join politics formally. He soon denounced Hu as an anti-monarchist, which allowed him to take over his position as Unit Commander in 1905 before his promotion to major. In 1907, due to his "outstanding contributions" to military service, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel while also working in the Imperial Army Headquarters Intelligence Bureau.

Entry into politics
It remains a debate when Yu began his unofficial involvement in politics. Even after denouncing Hu, Yu continued visiting Xu Xian and other key figures of the BFSP. It is believed that Yu had made use of his position as a unit commander, and later as an officer in military intelligence, to strengthen pro-nationalist sentiments in the military. At the same time, he passed on vital state secrets to the BFSP, allowing them to coordinate mass rallies and influence more people to join the Bai Fascist movement while avoiding arrests.

In 1908, however, Xu Xian was arrested for various state security charges, including making public remarks against the monarchy. Some historians speculated that, like his former superior Hong, Yu denounced Xu so that he could ascend further in the party ranks, though no clear involvement was ever established. Still, Yu took advantage of the disarray in the party following Xu's arrest to consolidate and advance his own position in the BFSP. Working under Hong Minxi (洪敏熹) and later Hu Suiming (胡绥洺) as a propaganda assistant, he wrote and distributed literature to garner support for the BFSP. He also urged the party to soften its anti-monarchist stance to stand a better chance in the 1910 elections.

After he formally "retired" from the Bai military, Yu formally joined the party in August 1908 as its 1148th member. By then, especially with the execution of Xu Xian, Yu had become a prominent figure in the BFSP as Director of Propaganda. To bolster his image as a devout Bai nationalist, he gave several speeches on the "Foundations of Bai Fascism", which influenced the party's direction and policies. Yu also led the Bai Patriotic Youth League, which would be the BFSP youth wing.

1910 elections
The 1906 elections resulted in a hung parliament and the Renmin Minzhudang losing its majority in the Yihuiting, securing only 477 seats. The main opposition party, the Gongrenhui, and other far-right and far-left parties took up the other seats. The BFSP only managed to win 24 seats. Chen Yintong's government, being the minority government, was unable to pass effective legislation to resolve the political and economic crises in the country. The austerity measures passed, such as limited land reforms and raising taxes, brought little economic improvement and were extremely unpopular.

Yu exploited the failures of Chen's government and targeted his political messages specifically at people who had been affected by the economic crisis, such as farmers and the middle class. At the same time, Yu appointed Lin Kaiwen, Lin Yuxiang and Sun Fei to organise and enlarge the BFSP in western and southern Bai as they competed in the local mayoral elections in 1909. While the mayoral functions were restricted to day-to-day administrative matters, Yu and other party leaders decided to contest the elections as a "dry run" for the upcoming general elections in 1910. Yu also sought funds from various businesses for the party's activities, emphasising the party's anti-communist stance. Yu also befriended several journalists who published articles disseminating the party's ideals and principles.

Due to his efforts, the BFSP secured 25 mayoral seats out of 213 contested, with Yu elected as Mayor of Huoyuan. This was seen as a major victory for the BFSP and allowed its rise to further prominence. Various far-right parties, not wanting to lose relevance and seeing the BFSP as "the leading force" of Bai Nationalism, decided to join the BFSP. The merger allowed the expansion of the BFSP and it soon had its presence across the Empire, allowing it to be a "significant player" in the 1910 elections. On 2 May 1910, Yu was elected Chairman of the BFSP, succeeding Hu Suiming, and was subsequently nominated as the party's Chancellor candidate. In addition to political campaigning, the BFSP engaged in paramilitary violence and the spread of anti-communist propaganda in the days preceding the election. The BFSP won 328 seats to become the 3rd largest party in the Yihuiting, with Yu securing his seat in his home constituency of Huoyuan.

Appointment
The Renmin Minzhudang, while gaining more seats in the Yihuiting, failed to secure a majority in the 1910 elections. The chairman of the Minzhudang Chen Yintong initially considered a coalition with the Gongrenhui as advocated by the Jinlong Emperor, although Gongrenhui chairman An Yihui ruled out such a partnership. Yu Shanliu, as Chairman of the BFSP, decided to open talks with Chen on forming a coalition government with his party, but on the condition that he would become Chancellor. Chen was initially "outraged" by the "absurd idea" of an alliance with "far-right radicals", despite his deputies "strongly considering" the idea to "ward off leftist ideals in the government".

The Jinlong Emperor, after meeting the two party leaders of the Minzhudang and Gongrenhui, summoned an audience with Yu and other BFSP leaders. It was never clear what was exactly discussed, although fellow party cadre Pang Dongnin claimed that Yu had left "a considerable impression" on the Emperor. The Emperor also consulted with other independent Yihuiting members, among which 50 expressed support to cooperate with the Minzhudang or the BFSP.

Some historians, such as Aviram and Christopher Chen, speculated that the Emperor's eventual decision to appoint Yu was out of fear of a possible civil war and ultimately thought he could use Yu to restore law and order in the country. Yu and the BFSP also enjoyed considerable support in the military and among the industrial and agrarian elites. Shortly after, Chen was summoned and persuaded by the Jinlong Emperor to agree to a power-sharing partnership with Yu, who would be the leader of a government "independent from parliamentary parties". On 30 July 1910, Yu was sworn in as the country's Chancellor, while Chen was deputy Chancellor. Pang Dongnin and Lin Kaiwen were appointed to be Ministers of State Security and Defence respectively for the BFSP to gain control over the police and the military in much of the Bai Empire. On 12 August, during the first parliamentary session since the elections, he called a vote of confidence in his leadership and won with a simple majority.

As Chancellor, the first years of Yu's rule were characterized by a right-wing coalition government composed of Fascists, nationalists and other independents. Yu's priority as chancellor was his aggressive rearmament programme. As part of his five-year military expansion plan to "protect Bai from its enemies", Yu passed numerous laws to strengthen the role of the military in the country. Yu also often spoke of "conquest and the unification of the Bai people and its brothers" as his ultimate "Pan-Bai" foreign policy objectives. He increased military spending, modernized military technology, and expanded the size of the armed forces through his mass conscription programmes. Yu also established the Imperial Military Council, which was responsible for overseeing the country's military affairs, and he appointed several military officers to key positions within the government. While the Bai military remained relatively weak and poorly equipped compared to the militaries of other major powers, Yu's plans laid the foundation for his invasion plans for a Greater Bai Empire.

Yu often clashed with An, the leader of the opposition, who opposed his attempts to consolidate more power for himself and blocked legislation favouring the wealthy industrial and agrarian classes. Yu outmanoeuvred such opposition by frequently consulting with the Jinlong Emperor, who helped Yu override the Yihuiting to pass laws "much needed to oppose the leftist threat" within and outside the country. In the name of protecting public safety and order in the country, Yu reformed and expanded the powers of the secret police force, supplemented by the BFSP paramilitary the White Eagles. The Imperial Security Bureau under Yu's administration suppressed political opposition and dissent with violence and intimidation, with limitations imposed on socialist and labour organisations. This strengthened the BFSP's standing in the 1914 general elections.

1914 elections
The 1914 elections were characterised by rampant vote rigging, with reports of many errors and irregularities. Like the 1910 elections, the BFSP engaged in widespread voter intimidation and was given an unfair advantage due to the forced dissolution of several parties that would seriously compete with the BFSP. Supporters of the BFSP and BFSP cadres were also called to pressure peers and family members to vote for the BFSP. Many smaller opposition parties boycotted the elections. During Yu's government, plenty of Minzhudang and Gongrenhui members also defected to the BFSP through coercion and intimidation tactics. As a result, the BFSP emerged as the largest party in the 1914 elections with 677 seats, while the Minzhudang won with only 369 seats. On the other hand, with fears of a fascist takeover, those opposing the BFSP voted for the Gongrenhui which secured 512 seats. While barred from participating, members of the Bai Communist Party ran as independents to secure 167 seats.

The Gongrenhui tried to form a coalition government with the independents and communists, but a large portion of the independents who were from the military had already decided to back Yu. Furthermore, as the BFSP won the largest proportion of seats, by convention, the reigning Jinlong Emperor appointed Yu as Chancellor of a minority government. Hence, Yu remained in power and continued to consolidate his authority over the government and military. Yu also blocked attempts by the Censure Yuan to investigate irregularities in the 1914 elections.

With a larger proportion of seats, Yu's new cabinet saw new BFSP members in ministerial posts, although Chen Yintong remained as his deputy as part of the BFSP's coalition deal with the Minzhudang. Having secured full control of the legislature and the continued backing of the Jinlong Emperor, Yu accelerated his re-armament programme while preparing the economy for war.

Dismissal
On 10 May 1916, the Jinlong Emperor was discovered shot dead in his bedroom. Preliminary reports provided by the Bai government were that the Emperor had "accidentally" shot himself while cleaning his revolver. However, many were sceptical of this explanation and believed that the Emperor had been murdered. Until the 70s, historians including William Inigo and Lin Huichen thought Chancellor Yu and the Fascist Party were responsible, a claim spread by opponents of the Bai Fascists. On the other hand, Yu's immediate reaction was "surprise" and "great dismay", according to his close associates Lin Kaiwen and Chen Yintong. Yu expressed grief and paid tribute to the Emperor in his speech to the Yihuiting emergency session. The Emperor's death remains shrouded in mystery, with no clear consensus on the cause or circumstances of his passing.

A Fascist party cadre Tang Wei was found near the Palace with a revolver and was arrested shortly after. Yu immediately ordered an investigation to determine the cause of his death. The commission ruled in October that the Emperor's death could not have been accidental, but neither suicide nor murder was satisfactorily proved. When Tang Wei was released from custody, suspicion grew on the Fascist Party due to the government's failure to solve the case; political opponents quickly blamed Yu Shanliu and went so far as to brand him as the mastermind behind the assassination.

At the same time, the new Emperor and Chancellor Yu seldom saw eye-to-eye and had various political disagreements, with the Yongren Emperor making outspoken comments against Yu's re-armament and his pan-Bai ideology. Yu remarked in his memoirs that the Yongren Emperor was difficult to work with over various national issues like defence and the budget. Palace officials reported "shouting matches" whenever the Chancellor went to consult the Emperor on various political issues.

Yu soon lost political support in the Yihuiting. Chen Yintong resigned as chairman of the Minzhudang in September due to health issues. On 8 October, the Renmin Minzhudang withdrew support for Yu, with Chen's successor Jia Jingyu citing the party could "no longer support the BFSP's mismanagement of the economy and rampant corruption in its ranks". Undeterred, Yu submitted a motion of confidence to the Emperor, which indicated numerous declarations that he still had the majority support of the Yihuiting. However, this was disputed by An, who claimed that "over 1000 lawmakers" had rejected the BFSP.

With Yu committed to remaining in power, the Emperor, for the first time in Bai history, directly intervened by issuing edicts to invalidate the 1914 election results, dissolve the Yihuiting and force Yu's resignation on 30 December. Jia was appointed as interim Chancellor. On that morning, before the edicts were issued, Yu arrived at the palace to consult on a new defence bill, but was handed a letter that terminated his tenure as Chancellor. Yu was initially shocked. Some witnesses at the palace claimed Yu "threw a tantrum and was forced out of the palace by the guards", though even the Emperor said "nothing of that sort happened", saying he was "surprised" Yu accepted the letter with "great reluctance yet with dignity and humility". Yu said that "he was too shocked to even try to protest against the resignation".

After his audience with the Emperor, Yu returned to the Chancellor's residence and conferred with other ministers and BFSP cadres on the political situation. Following rumours of Yu's dismissal, a large crowd gathered at Democracy Square while the Emperor's secretary proclaimed the edicts. Yu then addressed the crowd saying to "maintain your rage and enthusiasm" for the upcoming polls and elections.

Impeachment and trial
Stripped from the chancellorship, Yu was no longer immune from criminal investigations. Following his removal from power, Yu was soon called for questioning by the Censure Commission for alleged charges of fraud, corruption and embezzlement during his term, including obtaining inappropriate favours from Bai businessmen such as Li Hanwei and Ming Chan. As Yu had to face trial, Yu resigned as chairman of the BFSP, appointing his deputy Lin Kaiwen as successor in his letter to the BFSP committee. However, with a new edict and new electoral laws, Lin was unable to re-register the BFSP for the 1916 elections. The BFSP candidates, including Lin, instead run as independents.

Yu spent the next four months undergoing trials in the Supreme Court. His lawyers, including Gan Suiyan, Wu Xuguang and Feng Peiyuan, worked feverishly to ensure that nothing ever came of these trials. Though they cost Yu and the BFSP a fortune in legal fees, no charges were ever brought against him due to "lack of evidence". However, this led to a significant loss in support and credibility of the BFSP, and the 1916 elections saw the Gongrenhui and the communists attaining a simple majority.

After being acquitted of all charges, Yu returned to his hometown of Huoyuan. Yu wrote in his memoirs that he took this as a period of reflection, lecturing and writing while spending more time with his family. The high-ranking members of the embattled BFSP often met with Yu in his home as they discussed plans for the BFSP's return to power, while also calling for Yu to reassume the chairmanship. A considerable portion of the BFSP, disillusioned and discouraged without Yu at the helm, left the party and/or formed other smaller parties. Yu was far from troubled, believing that those who remained were loyal to him and Bai Fascism. Returning from his brief tour to the Commonwealth of Central Archanta, where he met then President Cabet, Yu soon "humbly accepted" continuing to lead the BFSP.

Yu consolidated his speeches and essays into On Revitalising the Bai Nation and its People, which he published in 1920. Yu set out three core tenets of Bai Fascism – Unity, (Re)construction and Opposing Socialism, with "Opposing Socialism" as the main objective the Party should be working on at the time. About 60 out of 123 essays he published were devoted to this subject. In his speeches, Yu claimed the socialists in power were "a great detriment" to the "peace and prosperity of Bai society", even "having seduced" the Bai Emperor to favour their policies. His personal resentment against the reigning monarch became increasingly clear in his later speeches. Due to security laws against outright denunication of the monarchy, Yu had never publically called for the ousting the current system, though coup plans were already underway.

While never claimed by Yu, other BFSP cadres had also encouraged ideas and rumours that Yu's dismissal was unconstitutional. This was a sentiment not only shared by nationalist groups of the time, but also even by communist parties who felt this was an "overreach of the monarch powers". Yu's dismissal had galvanised the anti-monarchy sentiments at the time, and Yu would exploit this to gain support for his coup.

1922 coup
The BFSP still held much support from the military, which enjoyed political privileges under Yu's chancellorship. Despite retiring from military service to join politics, Yu retained connections with several commanders. The Huang government that succeeded Yu removed many of these privileges and worked to disarm the Empire, which greatly alienated the military from the new government. Nationalist and anti-communist sentiments remained widespread in the Bai military, and several commanders supported Yu's ideals to restore Bai's former glory and nationalistic pride.

In 1919, Yu established the Military Revolutionary Committee for Peace and Restoration with Colonel Zhang Jushan, the Bai Army Chief of Infantry, as its nominal Chairman. The Committee included a variety of officers, mainly colonels, who pledged loyalty to Yu's plans to overthrow the monarchy. Yu also secured the financial backing of prominent businessmen, amassing a total of 7.5 million Yuan. The BFSP leadership were also informed of coup plans in a retreat at Huangwen in June, where they met members of the Committee.

Coup plans underwent numerous changes. An initial putsch was set for 1920 after the general elections, as the results were predicted to be indecisive. Yu and the military hoped to seize power amidst the political instability that would have followed. However, the unexpected decisive victory of the Gongrenhui pushed aside these plans. Furthermore, Yu had yet to win the support of several generals, who were tolerant of the coup plans but saw no political advantage for themselves. General Chang Songying, the Chief of Army, even personally rebuked Yu of the "foolish plans" to overthrow the monarchy, warning him and the BFSP of various treason charges should the plans be discovered. Chang would later be arrested and purged under Yu's regime.

By 1922, Zhang was promoted to General and succeeded Chang as the Chief of Army, and coup plans began to regain momentum. The Committee also managed to infiltrate the palace guards who allowed them knowledge of the Emperor's movements. In a communique, Yu hoped the coup would be "swift and bloodless". The coup was scheduled for 1 August, coinciding with Armed Forces Day, but part of the plans were leaked by accident on 1 July to palace security forces. Nevertheless, Zhang managed to dissuade the Emperor from commissioning an investigation, convincing him that the report was unreliable.

Fearing that the leak would give security forces preparation to counter the coup, Yu decided to accelerate plans and fixed the date for a week later. On the morning of 8 July, Yu, Zhang and Pang, along with the coup supporters, stormed into the Palace with the instruments of abdication to be signed by the Emperor. However, the Palace guards attempted to stall them, allowing the Emperor to flee with his two daughters. In the brief confrontation that followed, three BFSP cadres and ten guards were killed. Meanwhile, Yu's forces succeeded in occupying the Palace and the Congress. Chancellor Huang and his other cabinet ministers were rounded up, arrested, and shot when they refused to resign or pledge support for the coup. Some accounts claimed Yu shot them personally. Yu later said that their executions were "regrettable", but "necessary to restore law and order".

Personal life and family
Before joining the military, Yu married Sun Meijing, the daughter of his uncle's acquaintance, on 23 January 1896. While their marriage was arranged, the two were actually classmates and relatively close, often playing as Xiangqi partners. She bore him a son, Yu Zeming, who would be the country's future leader as Regent.